Introduction
From 17 – 19 June 2002, over three
hundred scholars from the African continent held a meeting
under the auspices of the Renaissance South Africa
Outreach Programme in Pretoria. The meeting provided
African scholars with a platform to deliberate on and
inform the debate on the Constitutive Act of the African
Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD) in light of the forthcoming Summit of
the AU. The objectives of the meeting were:
- To critically engage with the NEPAD process
- To explore the role and responsibility of the
African scholarly community in realising the goals of
NEPAD.
The meeting was addressed by the South
African Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma, who welcomed participants, and the Minister
of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Dr Ben Ngubane,
who introduced the South African President, Mr Thabo Mbeki.
The meeting represented a unique opportunity as it was
informed by an interactive dialogue between President
Mbeki and experts participating at the conference.
What follows is a summary of the
substantive debates that emerged from the two and a half
days of deliberation and consultation. This report is
divided into three parts: a general overview, a critique
of NEPAD, and recommendations.
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General Overview
Participants acknowledged that Nepad
was a welcome initiative by African leaders to address
Africa’s recovery from its worsening economic
underdevelopment and the promotion of sustainable
development in a globalising world. It was borne out of
the conviction by African leaders that Africans must
either develop themselves or remain under-developed. NEPAD
was believed to be an initiative aimed at poverty
reduction, reversing the marginalisation of Africa, and
promoting sustainable development, democracy and good
governance on the continent in the 21st
century. It was also aimed at the collective and
integrated industrialisation of Africa. In other words, it
was a political strategy intended to tackle the African
development crisis. Consequently, participants welcomed
the NEPAD initiative as timely, to be embraced by
Africans, especially given the precarious situation of
Africa at the end of the 20th century.
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General Critique
1. Delegates argued that the context of
the discussion needed clarification. In the view of many,
NEPAD’s challenges were largely economic in nature,
relating to trade, finance and debt issues. Participants
noted that the present global economy was not benefitting
Africa. It was therefore suggested that Africa should find
creative ways and regenerate notions of collective
self-reliance and regional integration as the building
blocks for African unity and development.
2. There were also concerns that the
NEPAD initiative was located within the Washington
consensus and as a result was likely to perpetuate and
reinforce the subjugation of Africa in the international
global system, the enclavity of African economies and the
marginalisation of the majority of Africa’s people.
3. The meeting expressed concern about
the model of accumulation proposed in the NEPAD process
and noted that it may not be appropriate for Africa’s
development.
4. Questions were raised about the
enthusiasm of the G8 leaders over NEPAD. It appeared as if
the G8 saw NEPAD as a partnership of global elites and
Africa as an investment opportunity, without taking into
account Africa’s development. Concerns were raised that
debt cancellation, to remove the debt burden that has
hindered Africa’s development efforts, was not on the
agenda of the forthcoming G8 summit. Participants,
however, cautioned that judgment should be reserved until
the nature of projects to be supported by the G8 leaders
at this meeting became known.
5. Participants also noted that the G8
was employing double standards by urging African countries
to adopt free trade policies whilst in their own countries
they were erecting protective barriers against African
products, for example through the Common Agricultural
Policy of the European Union and the recently enacted
United States Farm Act.
6. Participants noted that NEPAD was
the product of a small group of political elites without
the participation of the African people and civil society
organisations. Consequently, questions were raised as to
whether the African people could claim ownership of NEPAD
given the absence of consultation and dialogue between
these African leaders with civil society organisations.
The meeting emphasised that partnership between African
governments, organic intellectuals, and civil society
organisations, including trade unions, women’s and youth
organisations, was of cardinal importance.
7. Following from the above,
participants observed that scholars were now being invited
to discuss details of implementation instead of reflecting
on the project’s origins and ideological grounding.
Against this background, participants noted that this
"expert meeting" was not adequately briefed by
the NEPAD Secretariat.
8. Questions were raised whether
Africans have learnt the lessons necessary to make NEPAD a
success, given the past experiences of Africa’s
development efforts, including the Monrovia Strategy of
1979, the Lagos Plan of Action of 1980, the IMF-World Bank
imposed Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the
1980s and 1990s, and the African Alternative to SAPs of
1989. The SAPs, especially, appear not to have reversed
Africa’s underdevelopment.
9. Participants noted that there was a
lack of a common understanding of the concept of democracy
and whether African politicians, given their antecedents,
were to be trusted with representing the interests of the
people – either nationally or continentally via the
Pan-African Parliament (PAP).
10. Questions were also raised about
the lack of minimum performance criteria for countries to
qualify for AU membership.
11. The location of Peace and Security
structures at the level of Heads of State and Government,
at the expense of involving civil society groups such as
human rights NGOs, was noted with concern.
12. Participants noted that some
countries did not have properly elected and constituted
national legislatures, but were instead ruled via
one-party systems, military regimes, and monarchies. In
light of this experience, participants expressed concern
that the PAP was going to consist of delegates from
national parliaments rather than being directly elected by
the people. In addition, concern was expressed that it
would have little or no legislative power binding on
national governments.
13. It was noted that although NEPAD
alludes to infrastructural development and access to
resources like water, it is vague about the distribution
of these resources.
14. Similarly participants noted that
the land question was not adequately addressed. The role
of the state in land ownership and distribution remains
undefined in the NEPAD project; as well as how to resolve
existing conflicts around access to land.
15. The meeting raised the question of
how NEPAD was going to address the issue of negligible
investment of resources in African states. It noted that
internal resource mobilisation was critical given the
drought of Foreign Direct Investment and Official
Development Assistance, and the waste of resources through
conflicts and wars in many parts of the continent.
16. Similarly, participants noted that
NEPAD seemed to privilege foreign investors at the expense
of domestic investors.
17. While lauding the goals of NEPAD,
participants expressed concern about the lack of clarity
as to how its projects and programmes will be implemented
at national, sub-regional and continental levels. Perhaps
more important was the time frame set for accomplishing
the projects under the International Development Goals (IDG)
and how those of NEPAD could work within this context. For
example, under IDG, the proportion of people living in
extreme poverty has to be reduced by half in 2015, having
started in 1990. By implication, NEPAD is already 11 years
behind schedule and has just 14 years to achieve the
results. Nor has much progress been made by the various
African countries such as Nigeria that had embarked upon
poverty reduction projects. As for the elimination of
gender disparity in primary and secondary education
enrollment, the target year is 2005. Again, it means that
NEPAD has just three years to implement strategies for
sustainable development at national level. One implication
of keying into the time frame of the IDG was that NEPAD
might not be able to achieve the expected results.
18. It was noted that there still
remained a lack of a shared vision about Africa’s
development needs and an African identity. Participants
expressed dismay that the NEPAD process did not give
adequate attention to this important question.
19. Participants expressed concern
about the relationship between Africa and its Diaspora
which has been characterised by complexities and problems
in view of changes in historical linkages and geographical
context. It was also marked by asymmetrical relations
between communities and the Diaspora.
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Recommendations
1. That an "All Africa Academy of
Arts and Sciences" or an "African Academy of
Scholars" be established to institutionalise the
intra-African academic partnership as a civil society
component of NEPAD. It is believed that such an Academy
will optimise the opportunities for Africa’s
intellectuals to add value to and participate in the NEPAD
process by means of relevant, dedicated research and
scientifically-based recommendations on topics critical to
Africa’s development. Because of the evident
contributions that an organised partnership of African
intellectuals can make to informed debate, NEPAD funding
should be made available for the above objective.
2. To ensure the success of NEPAD’s
objectives, efforts should be made to ensure the
coordination of various activities across the continent.
Given the level of Afro-pessimism, efforts must be made to
ensure that successes be visible. Africa needs Centres of
Excellence to inspire its people and to change foreign
negative perceptions of Africa, as well as serve as models
for the broader continent. In this regard, intellectuals
can play an important role by identifying and guiding such
Centres of Excellence.
3. Following from the above, it is
suggested that national and regional institutions be
identified or established to facilitate networking by
African intellectuals and to carry out detailed research
on a number of issues including the mode of accumulation
suitable for Africa’s development, an African definition
of democracy, and the question of poverty eradication
strategy amongst others. It is crucial that the
appropriate model of accumulation needs to be re-examined
if NEPAD is to succeed. Accordingly, participants commit
themselves to explore the possibility of convening, in the
near future, another meeting of experts representative of
the continental and national institutions in order to
allocate research responsibilities and priorities as
agreed at this meeting. This research will also require a
detailed analysis and critique of the sectoral approach in
NEPAD. Research output will be popularised among the
African people, universities, research institutions, civil
society, business, the AU and governments.
4. As part of their tasks, identified
national and sub-regional centres or networks should
initiate holistic debates on developmentalism and the type
of development required in Africa.
5. Ownership/partnership: Participants
call for further reflection on the relationship between
African intellectuals and policy-makers as NEPAD has not
yet shown such a relationship or social contract.
Consequently, participants call for a summit between the
African scholarly community and the African political
leadership over the NEPAD agenda and the AU.
6. African leaders are urged to
speedily implement the decision of the Lusaka Summit of
the OAU in 2001 to popularise the AU and NEPAD and involve
civil society in this process.
7. Furthermore, African leaders are
called upon to create a conducive environment, and to
transform the informal economy to make it more productive,
as a means of income generating activities and as a source
of sustainable livelihoods. This requires micro economic
research by academics that can complement the economic
policy-making, poverty alleviation and development efforts
of the continent.
8. It is recommended that African
leaders create and nurture an environment for democracy
and good governance. The feasibility of democracy in
Africa will however depend not so much on the declarations
of African leaders as its relationship with the
existential conditions of Africans. Moreover, it will
depend on how far instrumentality of democracy can be used
to meet the people’s social needs. In essence, the
democratisation project by African leaders have to be
monitored to enable NEPAD realise its set objectives.
9. To realise the above objective,
participants proposed that national, regional and
continental civil society networks be created or
strengthened as part of the NEPAD process.
10. Furthermore, it is proposed that a
mechanism be put in place to bridge the gap between the
state and civil society. This should take the form of
national, sub-regional and continental fora where both the
state and civil society will have dialogue on a regular
basis.
11. It was agreed that the NEPAD
initiative requires a strong and democratic state that
must meet the needs of African people – education,
health care and other social needs.
12. Delegates urged African leaders to
pursue policies and projects aimed at initiating an
African agrarian revolution as one of the primary
objectives of NEPAD.
13. Delegates call on AISA and its
partners to convene another meeting of this nature to
consider other issues related to civil society
participation in organs of the AU such as the PAP, the
Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC), Court of
Justice and the Commission for Human and People’s
Rights. This is especially needed since at the AU summit,
only government officials will be represented and in such
a process the voice of civil society will not be heard.
14. It is recommended that African
scholars engage on a daily basis with the struggle of the
African people to build a new social base for sustainable
development. It is further proposed that a review of the
curriculum of our schooling systems at all levels be
undertaken with a view to inculcating new values in our
people in order to achieve the goals of Africa’s
development as envisioned in the NEPAD initiative.
15. It is proposed that NEPAD adopt a
bio-regional planning and management approach on an
Africa-wide scale. This approach recognises that
sustainable development can be achieved by people working
together in a geographical space defined by ecological
systems and human settlement patterns. It is within this
context that individuals, governments and NGOs can play
their rightful role and that the value of monetary,
natural and social capital can be optimised. Within this
context, it is important that all bio-regions benefit from
sustainable development initiatives at all levels. The
proposed establishment of Africa-wide Centres of
Excellence could be important building blocks for local
and regional development.
16. It is proposed, as part of the
NEPAD process, to mobilise the "best and
brightest" from among the Diaspora and within the
continent to harness and mobilise domestic resources to
unleash the necessary potential for Africa’s
development. Towards this end, it is recommended that the
AU undertake an audit of the Diaspora so that their skills
can be drawn upon for the realisation of its goals.
17. It is recommended that processes be
put in place to revive Africa’s diverse cultures with
the aim of developing a common African identity. In this
regard, participants welcome the initiatives to host the 3rd
FESTAC in Durban in December 2002. It was however proposed
that much more marketing and promotion needs to be done to
increase awareness of the FESTAC so as to mobilise African
people around it.
Final Report prepared by the
Renaissance South Africa Committee
June 2002